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Constructive Dialogue With Dr. Bereket Habteselassie (Eighth in Series) Response to:
GRAMMAR OF POLITICS: (Part Eight)The Legal and Political Effects of the Government's failure to Implement the Ratified Constitution, Bereket Habte Selassie” To some of you, this series has become so familiar, this time, and no doubt, that you have already started to ask a question, why is this person neither diverges nor converges with the opinion of Dr. Bereket. It is good question and I assure you that, you came to the right point. To answer this question, I have to take you back to the first part of this series of this same tittle. I said at that time; my articles will go parallel with the articles of Dr. Bereket’s ”Grammar of Eritrean Politics”. Therefore, I owe you an explanation what I mean by going parallel. Parallel lines neither diverges nor converges. Parallel lines can come so close to each other or can go to far from each other. Two different opinions either to diverge or converge there must be an angel of reference and a direction. In my opinion, I consider my self that, I don’t have an angel of reference with Dr. Bereket, though I can accept mildly, somewhat, either in the same direction or in the opposite direction, but parallel views. That is exactly what is happening to my comments against the articles of Dr. Bereket. Before dwelling in to the comment of the eighth in series, of the Grammar of Eritrean Politics, some points from the seventh in series are going to be repeated here. The reason for raising the points again here is, because some of them are serious enough and they deserve an explanation from Dr. Bereket. The points are as follows. Sophia Tesfamariam in her article " Void ab initio Dr. Bereket's feeble attempt to duck responsibility again, Posted on Monday, September 16, in”, She said, " If we follow your thinking (God forbid!) you expect us to believe that agreements and contracts are to be considered null and void if they were entered into after 1997. Can you tell us which of the following acts will be considered null and void? · Demarcation decision by The Hague and acceptance by the GoE and agreements signed then between all the parties? · Agreements signed by international entities such as the World Bank and the IMF and the GoE? · Agreements signed between the GoE and the UN, US, EU and others? · Commercial agreements between the GoE and others? ", End of quotation. Now, we come back to the main topic of the eighth series, the political effect of the Eritrean constitution. To begin with, the constitution of Eritrea is reality, except its delay in its implementation. We can differentiate the pro and con of the Eritrean constitution implementation and their affiliation in terms of their political carrier. To begin with the contra of its implementation. The contra are, the Eritrean government and some of the opposition groups like the alliances forces at the center ELF-RC. It is irony that, the Eritrean government and some of the opposition groups like the alliances forces, even if they don’t have a single point in common, being contra to the implementation of the constitution, they stand virtually united. Why the Eritrean government, on line with the alliances forces, opposes to the implementation of the constitution ? I could not get guess other than the simple opinion that flash in my mind and that is insecurity of their futurity with the consequence of the implementation of the constitution. I said in different occasions, in my articles, that the Eritrean government and the alliances of forces are not civil component of our society. They are militants. They are nationalists who are ready at any moment to give their life for the sovereignty and national pride of the land, Eritrea. We can generalize that, they are not ready, not to use weapon, as means of solving social problems. The Eritrean government and the alliances forces are not fit to the implementation of the constitution of Eritrea. Because the Eritrean constitution disarms them the weapons they legally armed during the armed struggle. The pro for the implementation of the constitution are the civil component of the Eritrean society and some opposition groups like EPLF-DP. Though, it is well known that the founding members of EPLF-DP are anticipated as former, part of the government, nevertheless, by advocating to the implementation of the constitution, factually has disarmed themselves and joined to the ranks of the civil society. However, it doesn’t mean that they are totally qualified as civil components of our society. Their militant behavior could be possibly traced in the interviews they conduct and some of their articles that appear in different web sides. When it comes to Dr. Bereket, he visits occasionally the civil society, but he prefers to stay with the militants, for in stance, his advocacy of insistence, the removal of the Eritrean government by any means.
The Roll of Civil Society
In the future Eritrean politics, the civil society of Eritrea, will come out, from the shadows of the militants and for sure, it is going to have the lead in deciding the shape of the country, Eritrea. I believe that, except handful diehards, the majority, who are now militants are going to be disarming themselves voluntarily and are going to join the civil society of Eritrea. The experience and the strong nationality feeling of the militants, after they joined the civil society are going to be the back bone and the driving force to the modernization and civilization of the Eritrean society. This time, what we see , the emergence of the premature civil society of Eritrea in different countries are becoming victims of infiltration and contamination by both the supporters of the Eritrean government and the supporters of the alliances forces or generally the opposition forces. Still, the civil society of Eritrea is becoming vulnerable to brain washing and intimidation by those who see only to the temporary advantage of party politics. This phenomena, that is, the situation not letting the Eritrean people develop pure civil society is a crime that is going to be heavy debt for those who are perpetrating such evil acts. My suggestion is, it is to the advantage, both to the Eritrean government and the opposition groups, but mostly to the former, that civil society will be those citizens who fulfil their duty consciously, therefore, they do deserve to have free environment of party or group politics. But, it is up to the civil society itself to make clean its surrounding from such infiltration and contamination. Generally speaking, it is an advantage to have a civil society. It is true that, there was time, militants were very important to Eritrea, but no more. I don’t mean that, Eritrea do not have external enemies, but I mean, this time, Eritrea can solve external problem with efficient diplomacy. More over, the sovereignty and national interest could be respected and well guarded with strong civil society that have adequate military training. That is why I give my support to the military training at Sawa. Therefore, the emerging civil society in Diaspora have to be encouraged and this tendency has to start as well inside Eritrea. The civil society have to take precautions not to be infiltrated and contaminated by militants wearing civil society coat. To the utmost, civil society has always to avoid party or group politics and they have to be guided by the principles of being neutral and to use inclusion method as the main guiding principle. If a civil society forum starts with exclusion method and identifies itself as supporting to that group and opposing the other group then it automatically disqualifies itself as civil society. 
Implementing the Constitution
The demand of implementing the constitution is nothing, except a demand for possibility, for opportunity and for exercise of human right, like all other people in this world. The Eritrean people didn’t demanded give us food, didn’t demanded give us cloth and didn’t demanded give us shelter. The Eritrean people is demanding give us the opportunity, the possibility to produce our food, to produce our clothes and to build our shelter ourselves. The Eritrean government says, wait, I have to construct roads first, I have to demobilize recruits first, I have to secure the Land and Water borders first and I have other huge nation building works first. The opposition says, we don’t care about the land security or the well being of the Eritrean people, first the government has to be removed. The opposition says, before our age is finished we have to take revenge on the government. Period. I could claim that, the differences in Eritrean politics are not of ideology or for that matter of nationalism, but it definitely could be characterized as difference in vision. If it is so, if the problem of Eritrean politics is difference of vision, then we have a problem of blindness. If we cannot see the achievements of the Eritrean government, if cannot share the vision of the Eritrean government, then it means that hate, anger, and revenge is covering our eyes not to see it. If the Eritrean government cannot see the demand of the Eritrean people, cannot see the existence of the opposition groups, then arrogance and self aggrandizing chauvinism is covering its eye not to see it. What is the vision of the Eritrean government, what is the vision of the Eritrean people, and what is the vision of the opposition groups? How is the Eritrean government wants, Eritrea, to look alike, how is the Eritrean people wants, Eritrea, to look alike, and how are the opposition groups wants, Eritrea, to look alike? Who has the sole responsibility of the futurity of Eritrea? I think, the questions outnumbers the available answers. But let us not give up from assessing possible answers to the self raised questions. Let us start with the vision, then with the look alike and finally with the sole responsibility.
Vision of the Eritrean Strata
Let us start with the vision of the Eritrean government, as a first strata. Reason?, because it was the vanguard in leading the armed struggle and in forming the nation Eritrea, and now, it is, only, the Eritrean government that has the power of a say. I know that, it is shame not to bring the Eritrean people as the first strata, but I want to be consistent with the existing reality. I don’t want to be fictitious person to ignore the daily facts.
The Eritrean government conducted a successful referendum in 1993. Its vision was, to give legality to the already achieved independence by armed struggle That vision was not shared by ELF-RC. They failed to give a legal recognition to the independence of Eritrea. They excuse their action, of not exposing the security of their members, by giving their back ground, to acquire Eritrean identification from the Eritrean government. Very poor excuse and heavy price up to this time.
The Eritrean government defended the Weyane aggression successfully and managed to give legality to the border between Ethiopia and Eritrea. This vision was not shared by the opposition groups. For the opposition groups, the priority is the removal of the government and not the danger of the existence of Eritrea. The Eritrean government do not see the significant of the implementation of the constitution of Eritrea, this time. This vision is shared by the opposition forces except EPLF-DP. The Eritrean government do not see the significance of multi political parties and freedom of press in Eritrea, this time. This vision is not shared by the opposition groups. The Eritrean government do see the significance of constructing roads, dams, building infrastructure of Eritrea and conducting elections at the local and regional level, this time. The opposition groups do not share this vision. As second strata comes the Eritrean people. I myself, as a simple citizen of Eritrea feels as a second class compared to the ruling body. Partly, it is because I didn’t paid equally a sacrifice to the independence of Eritrea and partly, because I am weak as not organized as the ruling body is highly organized. Likewise, when I compare the situation of the Eritrean people, if not for the same reason, but similar to it, the Eritrean people can be categorized as second class compared to the ruling body. The Eritrean people, gives respect and trust to the Eritrean government for the realizing the independence of Eritrea. This vision of the Eritrean people is appreciated by the Eritrean government. The opposition groups do not share this vision. The Eritrean people wants to have peace, possibilities and opportunity to make its living by itself. This vision is not shared by the Eritrean government and by the opposition groups. The Eritrean people, cherishes to see reconciliation between the Eritrean government and the opposition forces. This vision is consolidated by the opposition groups and down graded by the Eritrean government.
Vision of the Opposition Groups
The opposition forces can be labeled as third strata. But they can upgrade themselves to the second strata as ordinary citizen of Eritrea. That is their right, no body can deny them. The opposition groups looks for the removal of the Eritrean government by any means. This vision is crushed by the iron fist of the ruling body and it is condemned by the Eritren people. The opposition groups hate, anger and revenge against the Eritrean government comes first to the well being and security of the Eritrean people. This vision is resisted both by the Eritrean government and the Eritrean people. The opposition groups, as final resort are looking for unity among themselves. This vision is shared by the Eritrean people but anxiously down scaled by the Eritrean government. Before we proceed to the second analysis of look alike of Eritrea it is an advantage to have summary of the different visions mentioned above. We saw how our vision is disgruntled and one way or the other seems as hopeless to compound it to one compartment. In my opinion it is not hopeless, because it is not the difference in vision the problem. The problem is in the method we use to comprehend it. As long as we use exclusion method, yes, it is true, it will be hopeless. On the other hand, if we use inclusion method there is the chance and the possibility to resolve this mystical problem. I prescribe a medicine of inclusion method.
Look Alike of Eritrea
The Eritrean government wants Eritrea to look alike like Singapore. Eritrea is small country and small population like Singapore. It was during the second world war that the fortune of Singapore emerged. Fortunately enough, Singapore sided with USA during the war against Japan Imperialism. The ships of USA were used to be docked at the Singapore’s harbor and repaired there those who are damaged during the war, That brought an economical boast to Singapore. Eritrea as small nation has to be wise enough in its decision of external alliances. I don’t think, adventurism will be to the favor of Eritrea. The Eritren people wants Eritrea to look alike peaceful as the Scandinavian countries and prosperous like the Arab world and strong militarily like Israel. But above all it wants to preserve its Eritrean identity. The opposition forces except EPLF-DP wants Eritrea to look alike like present Somalia. Responsibility in Eritrea
The Eritrean people would like to have full control and responsibility of its destiny. The Eritrean government says, the Eritrean people is not matured enough to take responsibility by it own hand. First the independence of Eritrea has to fill 18 years old and after that the Eritrean people can take responsibility to lead itself. Up to that the independence of Eritrea is teenager and needs custody of a guardian. And that protection lies now under sole responsibility of The Eritrean government. Conclusion, the demand of the Eritrean constitution implementation is right. The political effect of failure of not implying it, is going to be enormous. The Eritrean government is going to be found itself in trap of delaying the implementation of the constitution. One factor that could be as an excuse for the government is, the activity of the alliances forces which is characterized by the government as terrorist act against Eritrea. May be, the danger of the security of Eritrea consolidates the argument of the government of delaying the implementation of the constitution. Otherwise, from implying the constitution the loss of the Eritrean government could be possibly its dignity as mighty and invincible force. But possibly, for certain years it can retain its grip on power as well. I say that, and it is my firm believe, without inclusion method, there is not going to be even an inch move forward to tranquility, prosperity, development and happiness in Eritrea. The love for The Eritrean people can be expressed first and utmost when the Eritrean government accepts equality and the opposition groups replace hate, anger and revenge by love, respect and forgiveness. The problem with the Grammar of Eritrean politics is, instead of evolving it is revolving around hate, anger and revenge. It is lacking the flavor of inclusion. As time goes on, I am afraid that, Grammar of Eritrean poltics not to be Grammatical ellipses of Eritrean politics. God bless Eritrea Tesfamicael Yohannes Oslo, Norway

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